(Note 1) The United Nations proclaimed 2011 the International Year of Forests in order to promote the sustainable management, conservation and growth of forests all around the world. Forests are an integral part of global sustainable growth: not only do the economic activities related to forests influence the lives of hundreds of thousands of people, but forests also provide socio-cultural benefits. Furthermore, they play a fundamental role in protecting biodiversity and limiting the effects of climate change.
Forests cover about 23% of the Veneto region; this percentage increases in the mountains and hills, where coverage can reach 60%. In fact, until now most policies and initiatives have focused on forests in the hills and mountains by engaging the local populations and the authorities that represent them. At the same time, however, there is growing recognition of the importance of plains woodlands as well.
The main objective of forest policies is to guarantee and improve the sustainable management and the multifunctional role of forests in order to ensure the continued presence of people in the mountains; this has always been considered to be a fundamental part of safeguarding the environment from the most common risks of deterioration and guaranteeing the continuation of the cultural traditions behind the history and natural beauty of these areas. When speaking of ecological balance, it is important to remember that only in few cases can it be left to nature to maintain and in most cases it is an issue of maintaining the stability in a given area that is the consequence of centuries of human use of the land. Mountain farmers have always accompanied their farming activities with interventions that "reproduce" the territory in such a way that it is often impossibile to distinguish between the two. As these mountain farmers have begun to abandon farming, the absence of the important activities they no longer carry out, such as managing the land and maintaining farming terraces, has led to overall conditions of precarious stability. 
Recent studies carried out in Italy have demonstrated that this abandonment has led to a significant decrease in biodiversity caused by the simplification of the landscape of agricultural fields and forests. Simplification is not to be understood solely in the aesthetic sense, but rather entire areas that are no longer subject to the interaction between nature, humans and centuries-old traditions that influences the natural landscape.
Therefore, the sustainability of territorial management must consider all human intervention in the territory in order to guarantee balanced ecological, economic and social growth. Forestry intervention, especially with regards to the various techniques used in Veneto, is based on criteria that aim to guarantee the protection of the forest ecosystem. There is a widespread understanding that it is important to maintain forests in an optimal state in the long run in order to protect the numerous benefits they offer as regards their environmental, social and production functions.
One specific area of forest management regards those areas dedicated to recreational tourism where forestry practices aim to optimise the use of forests while not ruining the landscape for visitors.
Management of production forests also plays an important role, but not an exclusive one. It is based on respecting the ecosystem, favouring the natural landcape over a more artificial one.
The only constraints on forest management that have impacted current forestry practices regard the recognition that timber yields must always be inferior to the regeneration rate of the forests. This will maintain 'safety levels' that ensure forest species will survive and develop and that forests follow a natural path of renewal.
Regarding forestland whose main function is productive, i.e. areas where removals are more prevelant but the forest is still protected, the guiding principles of forest management mentioned above have made it possible to ensure that the overall state of forests and their respective communities is acceptable.
One indicator of this comes from the data regarding the average size of production forests. In Veneto the mean standing volume of production forests is 288 cubic metres per hectare, whereas it is on average 110 cubic metres per hectare for coppice.
As far as production forests are concerned, it is interesting to analyse the data regarding average prescribed yield, i.e. how much wood volume is removed each year, as this indicates the sustainability of forest management in Veneto. Here, the prescribed yield is 1.64 m3/ha per year, 30%-33% of the incrememt, which is estimated at 1.9%.
All of the activities regarding "forest-wood-energy" revolve around forest management, which is maintained thanks to a significant number of forestry businesses. The activities of these businesses in Veneto are periodically monitored; currently there are about 300 forestry companies registered in the provincial registries of the Regional Forestry Service. (Figure 14.1.1)
Forestry companies in Veneto are the engine behind the complex "forest-wood-energy" system, which can count on the production capabilities of the region's forests and woodlands; currently, however, it appears they are not being exploited to their full potential. In fact, on average prescribed yield, as has already been noted, uses only about 30%-33% of the increment and there appear to be ample margins for increasing it. (Table 14.1.1)
As is well known, within the context of the framework convention on climate change (UNFCCC, Rio de Janeiro, 1992) Italy, together with other industrialised countries, is actively promoting policies, such as the Kyoto Protocol, to reduce emissions that can alter the natural greenhouse effect of our planet. The seventh conference on climate change held in Marrakesh in 2001 unanimously recognised the role Afforestation and Reforestation have played on a national level in CO2 absorption since they started in 1990, not to mention the role of Forest Management, plus crop and pasture land management, provided that these activities started after 1990 and were the direct result of human intervention. For example, the credits generated by forest management must be decreased to 15% in order to eliminate the CO2 accumulated by forests as a consequence of factors that are not directly human-induced, such as natural ageing or nitrogen fertilisation. 
Italy ratified the Kyoto Protocol (Note 2) and is committed to reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 6.5% from 2008 to 2012, equal to 9.8 Mt (Note 3), compared to 1990 levels. Following this period, (Note 4) new targets have already been set to reduce CO2 levels by 11%.
Forests play a fundamental role in the biogeochemical carbon cycle. The effects of a wooded surface area vary according to its age and management, not to mention the type of woods and their ecological characteristics. These effects can be direct, i.e. related to the absorption of atmospheric carbon dioxide and its storage in biomass, or indirect, such as using wood for specific purposes (firewood as a substitute for fossil fuels, wood for construction that captures carbon for long periods of time, etc.). 
In addition to forest systems, agricultural ecosystems also play an important role in the carbon cycle. As was the case with forestry, the choices farmers and companies make can have a significant impact on the system's ability to bind or capture carbon dioxide. Some examples of intervention by companies that can influence the overall carbon balance are: the recovery of biomass from farming for energy production, working the soil as little as possible or not at all, placing waste from farming back on the land, using natural organic fertilisers, or choosing to use a part of a company's land for fields with bushes or small woods.
Policies for natural resource management at all levels must always consider the role of agro-forestry resources in carbon absorption and retention.
In this context, regional administrations play a fundamental role in territory management, or more specifically, in the forestry sector, as they can actively contribute to solving problems related to greenhouse gas pollution by identifying various intervention strategies in their own specific area and by planning interventions in forestry practices.
Mountain forests (aboreal epigeal mass) have an overall capacity for carbon storage equal to 15.5 Mt, with reference to a woodland area of 273,171 ha, not including plain and hill woodlands.
The carbon sequestration capacity of managed forests (106,103 ha) is estimated to be about 8 Mt (77 t/ha), whereas for coppiced woodland (17,122 ha) it is about 1.3 Mt (66 t/ha). Furthermore, if we take into account the caps established by Article 3.4 of the Kyoto Protocol (net sink reduced to 15%), the carbon sequestration capacity of about half of the managed forests (49,480 ha) is estimated to be about 10,374 t/year.
The contribution to the carbon stock of unmanaged forests is estimated to be about 6.2 Mt.

It is well known that mountainous areas limit human activity. In the mountains, daily life is more difficult than on the plains: the roads are less accessible, services and utilities cost more, and activities in the primary sector are not very productive, as well as being difficult to mechanise. The mountain policy implemented following the end of World War II, especially thanks to Article 44 of the Constitution (Note 6), tried to compensate for these difficulties by offering support to help the quality of life in the mountains to become comparable to that on the plains.
The objectives of Law 1102/71 propose "New norms for growth in the mountains" and the legislator focuses on "strengthening the value of mountain areas by promoting the participation of the people, via Mountain Communities, in establishing and implementing development programmes and land use planning projects within an overall policy of economic rebalance." This concept of rebalance is taken up again in an EU norm where the definition of the term "less-favoured area" for the mountains highlights a gap that needs to be closed with respect to areas on the plains.
In Council Directive 75/268/EEC (Note 7), Article 3 states that less-favoured mountain areas are characterized by a considerable limitation of the possibilities for using the land and an appreciable increase in the cost of working it, due: either to the existence, because of the altitude, of very difficult climatic conditions the effect of which is substantially to shorten the growing season, or, at a lower altitude, to the presence, over the greater part of the district in question, of slopes too steep for the use of machinery or requiring the use of very expensive special equipment. The need to rebalance the disadvantages of life in the mountains were recently brought to light again in the Lisbon Treaty, where the concept of economic and social cohesion was joined by the concept of territorial cohesion, which places focuses in particular on mountain areas (Note 8).
Indeed there is no doubt that even though in recent years there has been increased recognition of the value of the mountains as a resource for the common good of society, these areas have a permanent geographical disadvantage that leads to cost differences. 
This disadvantage depends both on physical factors, such as the morphology and pedology of the places, climate conditions, hydrogeological and environmental risk, as well as on semi-permanent human-induced factors, such as the limited number of inhabitants in mountain towns and the fact that they are spread out over a large territory and hence more isolated, meaning they have less access to the main centres of economic development.
A recent publication by the Italian Mountain Agency (EIM) (Note 9) differenciates between factors that lead to greater costs for families and companies living and working in these territories in carrying out their everyday activities from other factors that do not differentiate them from people living and working in other areas. In other words, the study concludes that the disadvantages are relative. 
The study focuses on a series of activities that are at risk of a loss in efficiency due to external factors. The activities are: milk production, water purification, waste management, local public transport, etc. The study covered three mountain areas: Valle d'Aosta, Molise and Trento.
Despite the complexity of the analyses, where it is at times difficult to identify variables related specifically to the morphology of the territory, there appear to be objective disadvantages to life in the mountains.
For example, in the case of milk production, companies working in the mountains have production costs that are about 34% greater than companies working in the hills or plains, machine expenses are 74% greater and energy expenses for livestock farming are 70% greater. In the case of local public transport, the unit cost is 18.3% higher in the mountains.
These data confirm the fact that there are disadvantages to living in the mountains which explain why people leave these areas in the search of better opportunitites.
One of the main drawbacks to living in the mountains is related to depopulation, which, since the end of World War II, has reached critical levels. 
Depopulation is a well-known phenomenon that has, as was said above, led to the development of specific policies for mountain areas. What is less well-known is the overall entity of the decline, how it has affected the territory and what dynamics drove it.
Considering census data from 1951, mountain areas (Note 10) have undergone a continuous decrease in population; this decrease was evident up until the 1970s, but the 2001 census indicates a change in this trend with a slight increase.
If we look more closely at the specific areas that have been subject to abandonment (urban centres, villages and isolated houses), it becomes immediately clear that the depopulation of mountain areas has not been at all homogenous. For example, there has been no fall in urban areas (at least as far as the 100 largest ones are concerned). On the contrary, we see that they have tended to attract people from small towns and isolated houses. From this perspective, depopulation is less critical than it might appear from a general analysis of the situation.
Starting in 1971, we note a population increase of 12% in urban areas accompanied by an exodus from small villages of 74% of the population. Indeed, the decade 1971-1981 is characterised by a mass exodus from more isolated areas towards more urbanised ones. The consequence of this exodus is the abandonment of agriculture, especially if we consider the fact that there was a reduction of more than 36% of UAA from 1970 to 2000 in small villages, which represent the more rural areas. (Figure 14.2.1)
Nonetheless, the depopulation of small villages is not the same throughout the mountain areas. Several factors have led to these differences, but the largest ones are related to the morphology of the territory or proximity to a large urban area. If we compare the census data from 1991 and 2001, we see that in Alto bellunese (or mountain areas of Belluno) altitude and difficult farming conditions have made it difficult for people to live in the remote areas of the municipality. On the other hand, if we look at the areas in the province of Belluno that border the plains, we see that small villages have gradually increased their populations. The increase in these lower areas is related to urban sprawl from other major urban areas located nearby.
This situation is representative of the demographic trend throughout the Italian Alps where for a very long time (1870-1991), the following took place:

• 43% of all Alpine municipalities lost an average of half of their inhabitants;
  
• 10% of the towns maintained the same population as that revealed in the census in the previous century;
  
• 47% of all Alpine municipalities, during the same period, saw the number of inhabitants more than double in size.

A similar dichotomy can be seen on a European level: on the one hand are municipalities that suffered from a drastic fall in population, or exodus of inhabitants, and, on the other hand, towns where there was an exponential increase in population. (Table 14.2.1)
Data show the dire situation of small mountain villages where the average number of inhabitants is just 33 people and where more than half of these villages do not even have 25 inhabitants.
In most cases, these are extremely small communities that were most likely destined to disappear with a few decades because of the ageing population (in the province of Belluno, 30% of the inhabitants of small villages has an average age over 60).
If we analyse the distribution of these small villages throughout the territory, it becomes clear that there is only a concentration of villages in certain areas. For example, in the Alto bellunese, if we count the Mountain Communities of Comelico, Sappada, Valle del Boite, and Centro Cadore, there are merely 39 small villages compared to some Mountain Communities, such as Lessinia, where there are more than 239. It would be easy to presume that these differences are mainly due to different territorial contexts where higher altitudes and steeper slopes make life more difficult. However, if we consider communities such as Lessinia, we see that there are still territories that are alive and well.
If we make a further analysis taking the altitude of these small villages into consideration, we find that 553 communities (fewer than half) are located at more than 660 m above sea level with a total of 15,000 inhabitants. This clearly demonstrates that, though limited in number, there continues to be a reasonable number of active, functioning villages even at relatively high altitudes.
This brief analysis of the situation of mountain villages highlights an aspect of our society that is not well-known, or, at least, some aspects of a phenomenon, i.e. the depopulation of mountain areas, which is by now believed to be a simple fact of these areas. 
However, the reality of mountain life is complex and the distribution of successful communities is spread unevenly throughout the region. A Censis-Uncem report in 2002 explained the context in this way: "It is difficult to describe a mountain, or to understand it as an area in and of itself because the criteria we currently use to classify these areas lead us to describe a particularly large number of municipalities with the term "mountain" or "partially mountain", resulting in a lack of distinction between the numerous differences and unique characteristics of the mountains and their populated areas". (Censis-Uncem 2002).
An analysis of depopulation highlights the fact that the phenomenon of 'leaving the mountains' is not the same everywhere, but rather quite complex, where more populated areas took on the role of attracting people from more isolated mountain areas.
Depopulation does not only take place between the mountains and the plains or between weak areas and strong areas, but also within a mountain territory, between isolated small villages and urban centres, which more often than not are the provincial capital.
This process has led to a reduction in traditional agriculture accompanied by a loss of the values and knowledge that for centuries were an important resource for the mountain environment.
This is the context in which we must choose between intervention strategies that either guarantee a future for these small communities or accept their inevitable extinction.
These are very current issues as the progressive decrease in fiscal contributions from these areas induce local authorities to adopt intervention strategies that depend on a full understanding and awarenes of the territory and its potential in order to develop a suitable plan for financial resources.
Therefore, "a unified and indiscriminate approach to the problems in the Alps, regarding economic incentives as well as environmental protection, cultural policies and local policies, would undoubtedly be inefficient since it would not be able to take into account the numerous differences." (Note 11)
Choosing the right strategy to deal with this problem in an effective way is particulary complex because the efforts made since the end of World War II to avoid depopulation in the mountains have proved relatively unsuccessful.
The mountain policies that have been implemented in recent decades have focused on economic development by aiming to create an economic and social rebalance with territories on the plains. Basically, interventions have always been aimed at guaranteeing and maintaining economic services and activities that use wealthy territories as their point of reference. However, the mountains are by their very nature limited in terms of human settlement and economic activities, making them a sort of paradigm for sustainable growth.
The fact that it is difficult to pinpoint the wide range of characteristics of mountain areas means that it is also difficult to define strategies that can guarantee growth and development in these areas. However, recognising the unique identity of the local populations can certainly be translated into concrete initiatives for managing entire areas.
The sense of belonging to a specific territory, more than any other tradition, is considered an element that characterises the culture of mountain communities. Emphasising rural aspects does not mean promoting a glorified return to the past or a romantic vision of local people, but rather an important starting point to be used to identify the potential and limits of specific natural environments. 
Land for civic use includes all of the land that a community within a given territory has the right to use to satisfy their most basic needs.
Land for civic use can include both public as well as private land.
Local communities exploit these areas by carrying out activities that serve the common good such as grazing livestock, cutting timber, planting agricultural areas, exploiting marshlands to gather reeds, grass and straw, as well as to hunt and fish, and gathering dry grass and leaves for animal beds.    
Based on historical, judicial and land registry research, administrative and judicial actions guarantee that land for civic use respects regulations and laws.
The measures taken to monitor land for civic use base their identification of these areas on land registries.
Out of a total of 581 municipalities in Veneto, 270 have no land for civic use. In the other 311 municipalities, the situation regarding assessment of land for civic use is as follows:

• 46 municipalities have completed the assessment activities;
  
• 99 municipalities have initiated assessment activities;
  
• 156 municipalities have not undertaken any activities;
  
• 10 municipalities have undergone a land registry update for land listed in Commissioner's Decrees.

Assessment has been completed for 46 municipalities and the result is that there are 57,992 ha for civic use. Thirty-five of these municipalities are located in the mountains or foothills and on average the land area for civic use is 34% of the overall municipal territory with exceptions, such as Enego, where it is nearly 90%, compared to other municipalities on the plains where it is just about 4%.
These data clearly demonstrate that the amount of land for civic use is significantly higher in mountain areas.
There are two ethical premises at play here: on the one hand there is a fundamental short-term solidarity with the present generation and on the other a long-term solidarity with future generations. The first premise takes us back to the issue of equal distribution of resources; the second forces us to make decisions in the long-term regardless of the choices we might make from a production point of view in the present that would lead us to encourage companies to internalise their profits and externalise the social and ecological costs of production. Another issue worth considering is that mountain life teaches us the principle of solidarity, in the sense that the mountains, as an environment, need to be understood as a resource that can constantly, over time, be at the service of humanity as a whole. (Note 12)
To date the woodland surface in Veneto is greater than 400,000 hectares, equal to 4.3% of all the forests in Italy. In spite of the fact that most of these areas are used for aboriculture for timber, it is worth pointing out the importance that chestnut orchards play in the overall economy of its mountain areas. Even though they only make up 4% of the wooded surface area, they play a fundamental role in the food sector, the energy sector, and in the production of manufactured goods sector for agriculture, such as casks and beams. 
The earliest sources available that speak of cultivating chestnut trees date back to the Middle Ages; since then there have been alternating phases of abandonment and intense use of the chestnut trees as a resource. In the past, the many hectares of chestnut trees were used by the population as a whole, but in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as these areas became property of the State, the inhabitants slowly began to abandon the cultivation of these trees. 
The geographical area for producing chestnuts is in the foothills of Treviso and Verona as there the chestnut tree has its ideal habitat. Two types of chestnut have attained Protected Geographical Indication (IGP in Italian): Marrone di Monfenera and Marrone di Combai. One type, Marrone di San Zeno, has even been made a Protected Designation of Origin (DOP in Italian).
Veneto's chestnut orchards are used mainly to produce timber for the wood industry or for energy, and only 10% of them are used to produce chestnuts.
The production of IGP chestnuts in Veneto has recently been threatened by the chestnut gall wasp (Dryocosmus Kuriphilus). The attack began in 2006 in the woodland area of the right-hand side of the River Piave, and two years later it had spread to the left-hand side of the Piave, causing significant damage to production. This year we also expect this insect to be the main cause of a 60% decrease in production. 
Regione Veneto's Plant-Health Service has introduced natural predators as a means of fighting the wasp. We have estimated that the negative influence of this insect will peak within five years, allowing producers to protect a significant part of their crop. 
Chestnuts, however, are not the only speciality: the mountains have always been considered a less-favoured area because of their geographical limitations, but at the same time they have been able to provide many foods that feature among Italy's DOP products and in Slow Food Presidia.
The fact that the DOP and Slow Food marks have taken hold in these areas is witness to the fact that they are home to both natural features, such as the climate, soil and environmental characteristics, and traditional production methods. This combination of natural factors and production techniques makes it possible to produce food that would not have the same qualities were it produced in a different area. This year Veneto reached a total of 17 DOP products; 40% of these come from the mountains whereas 7 of the 13 regional products that appear in the Slow Food Presidia come from steep hilly areas.
If we consider that the high-altitude areas make up a mere 29% of the region's total surface area, the qualitative potential of these areas is evident. (Table 14.2.2)
The Regional list of DOP products was recently updated with the addition of two typical products coming from high altitudes: Miele delle Dolomiti bellunesi (honey) and Formaggio Piave (cheese).
Miele delle Dolomiti bellunesi is produced throughout the entire province of Belluno with six different types of nectar depending on the floral species used. Beekeeping has always characterised the Belluno mountain areas thanks to the presence of Alpine flora that bees are particularly drawn to. The guarantee behind this product lies in the fact that many beekeepers in the Parco Nazionale Dolomiti Bellunesi are members of the Quality Charter.
The honey was awarded its DOP mark on 11 March of this year. This recognition clearly highlights the indissoluble relationship between agricultural activities and the territory where they take place.  
On 21 May 2010, Piave, one of the cheeses that most represents the traditions of the Veneto region, was awarded the DOP mark. The cheese takes its name from the river which rises in the province of Belluno and joins the plains in the province of Treviso. No other name could better represent Belluno's most important cheese. 
Piave cheese has a history in the region: on 8 January 1972, the first dairy for making the cheese was established by the town's parish priest. The aim was to process the milk in one single plant, keeping it away from speculators, so that it could be sold to members and consumers as a high-quality product. 
The raw materials and processes used are fundamental for obtaining a product with high-quality nutritional and organoleptic properties. The basic ingredient is undoubtedly the milk produced in the mountains of Belluno where the most common cattle breed is the Bruna. This type of cattle is landrace and produces milk that is particularly good for cheese-making. 
The processing and ageing methods are also traditional.
By valuing the traditional methods of a particular territory, we place importance on the products that come out of the territory. In turn, this provides opportunities for those who live in the area and can work to reverse the tendency of inhabitants to leave the territory. Marks, therefore, take on a fundamental importance in marginal territories, such as mountain areas, that have been subject to depopulation. A similar case is that of a local bean, the Fagiolo di Lamon. Just last March, two new farmers from Trentino Alto Adige came to the Consorzio di Tutela (Protection Consortium) drawn by the potential of this legume after having been impressed by its quality index. 
This bean, originally from Mexico, was imported to Belluno around 1530 by a local priest named Giovan Pietro Dalle Fosse, who was at the service of the Pope. Initially people believed that it was difficult to digest so it was not easy to popularise it in Italy. However, it became popular in the Belluno valleys because farmers could plant it together with other vegetables and make more profits from the same piece of land.
The bean, today known as Fagiolo di Lamon (at the time the area was called Feltrino), earned a reputation as the best bean in the province in the 1700s and has since continued to be recognised as an important product. In 1993 a Consorzio di Tutela was founded to defend the uniqueness, quantity and quality of this bean.
On 1 July 1996, the Fagiolo di Lamon received the Protected Geographical Indication (IGP) mark, which establishes that only beans produced in the province of Belluno can bear the name 'Lamon'.

Transhumance

Transhumance refers to the tradition of the seasonal movement of livestock from the plains up to mountain pastures and back to the plains again. Transhumance started at the beginning of the warm season as a search for cool areas with green pastures where sheep could graze. Then, at the beginning of the cold season the transhumance would begin again, back towards the warmer plains. Transhumance would last several days and included stopovers in specific places.
The typical areas where transhumance took place were alpine and prealpine areas, among which were Altopiano di Asiago and Lessinia.
This tradition had a significant impact on the life of shepherds, as they could not count on the presence of typical modern breeding structures, such as barns, feed rooms, silos, milking equipment and refrigeration. After having disappeared, this technique is now "back in style", especially in the cow-milk sector. The main reasons for this return to past traditions are related to the wellbeing of the cows, as well as the financial benefits of grazing in mountain pastures rather than buying or producing animal feed. Since organising the milking process can be quite difficult, the mountain pastures are reserved for the animals that are not producing milk, such as heifers or pregnant cows, in order to exploit the quality of the pastures for the growth of the animals while at the same time saving money on feeding costs.
Today the movement is often carried out using special lorries, at least where it is economically advantageous to do so.