Social integration is the 'variable state of a society - or of a social system, group or other collective - characterised by the constant tendency and availability of the majority of individuals who compose it to regularly and effectively coordinate their social actions with those of others at the various levels of the society's structure (or other system), showing a relatively low level of conflict, or resolving cases of conflict using peaceful means' (Note 1). This wide definition, which captures the key elements of the function of social integration, i.e. of society as a whole that is able to respond to the needs of the individual and that the individual help to achieve, includes the crucial points of integration of migrant citizens.
In adopting the 'European Agenda for the Integration of Third-Country Nationals' of 2011, to enhance the economic, social and cultural benefits of immigration in Europe, the European Commission underlines that 'in order to integrate successfully, migrants must be given the possibility to participate fully in their new community; to learn the language of the host Country, to be able to access employment and education and to be capable of sustaining themselves socially and economically. (...) Migration is an opportunity and the contribution of migrants to society is significant and should be fully recognised' (Note 2 ).
The 'Stockholm Programme', approved by the European Council in January 2010, should also be noted. In defining the European Union's priorities for becoming an area of freedom, safety and justice where rights are respected and freedom is fundamental for all citizens, the Stockholm Programme also suggests some provisions to Member States on immigration. It invites Member States to strive to achieve, as soon as possible and before 2014, a coordinated and common approach to the efficient management of the immigration flow, assistance to migrants in need of protection and asylum, the prevention and control of illegal immigration, as well as the implementation and improvement of the integration process. These should be achieved through actions which see the involvement of different key sectors, such as employment, education and social inclusion. The European Union should, in fact, guarantee equal treatment of Third-Country Nationals which reside legally in the territory, because 'equal rights, responsibilities and possibilities for everyone constitute an objective at the centre of European cooperation' (Note 3).
However, it is also the belief of the majority of European Citizens that migrants should be integrated and that this process requires not only the efforts of national, regional and local authorities, but also a greater commitment by the host communities and of the migrants themselves, as shown by the Eurobarometer survey on migrant integration, conducted for the first time in 2011.
Successful integration of migrant citizens is essential, therefore, not only to manage immigration in the long term, but also to ensure good social cohesion and the act of citizenship, in the daily practices of exercising rights and accountability that this provides.
The current economic crisis certainly opens new challenges to the integration process: the general worsening of living and working conditions, which seem to affect migrants to a greater extent, on one hand could raise discontent or a feeling of mistrust and closure, but on the other may give rise to renewed solidarity.

Integration takes place at a local level. The interaction between individuals who share a close relationship helps to improve mutual respect and understanding. For this, the authorities play an important role in giving shape to integration, aiming at encouraging participation in various contexts in which people naturally find themselves in everyday life: work places, schools, neighbourhoods, social spaces and communities. However, it is the central policies which have the responsibility to ensure equality, opportunity and support to local institutions, by specifying the objectives of a national integration strategy.
The immigration policies of different Countries were compared in the international study 'Mipex: Migrant Integration Policy Index', conducted by the British Council and the Migration Policy Group (Note 4). Using 148 indicators to assess the regulatory, legal and administrative procedures in place for the access and legal long term residence of migrants in different Countries, Mipex translates the policies into numbers: it provides a measurement that summarises the degree of opening of the policies of each Country, by assigning them a rating that increases as facilitations increase, and decreases as obstacles to integration decrease in severity. This assessment process is first implemented for specific policy areas and then, through further aggregation of elements, it produces (as a summary) a single general value varying between 0 and 100, where 0 indicates the worst case and 100 the optimal. (Figure 7.1.1)
The majority of European Countries, whose index is between 41 and 59, are defined as 'halfway favourable' in their openness to integration; the situations of Finland, Belgium, the Netherlands and Southern European Countries are more favourable. Sweden stands out among all (83 points) with higher results than average in every thematic area considered.
Between 2007 and 2010, the Mipex index for Italy dropped; according to observers, this was mainly due to turning away immigrants before they entered Italian waters, and the Security Decree of 2009 which made some integration paths slightly more expensive, such as the increase in housing costs and requirements for family reunion, the introduction of language requirements for long term residence, the increase of naturalisation costs and the restrictions for foreign consorts.
Despite this, today Italy is considered as being overall open to integration policies, totalling an index of 60 points with respect to the European average of 52; Italy has shown especially good performances in labour market mobility and in family reunion for Third-Country Nationals, but it also favours long term residence and access to nationality and combats discrimination, whereas education and political participation of migrants remains ever problematic. (Table 7.1.1)
In a pilot study (Note 5) which followed the Zaragoza Declaration (Note 6), Eurostat proposed a set of indicators in the various integration policy areas. Based on the assumption that integration is best achieved where there is equality between the natives and foreigners, the indicators are defined as the difference between the value which refers only to the foreign component of the population and the value of the entire population. Therefore, positive values indicate that the measure referring to the foreign population is higher than the total population whilst negative values indicate the contrary (Note 7). (Figure 7.1.2)
As also highlighted by the analysis of the policies (Mipex), in Italy the foreigners appear to be available for employment and to have good access to the labour market, with employment and activity rates higher compared to the reference population; in the EU27 however, the activity rates are equal but the employment rates are disadvantageous for foreigners.
Other aspects downsize this portrait of the employment situation: both in Italy and in the EU27, foreigners are those most affected by unemployment, they do not enjoy the same opportunities in self-employment and they experience a worse quality of work. The percentage of those overqualified and therefore downgraded in their job in Italy reached the record negative gap; a sign of an employment attractiveness linked to low level tasks.
Regarding education, looking at the qualifications achieved by foreigners, the disadvantage of foreigners is translated into a higher share of holders of first level qualifications (middle school diploma or elementary school) and a lower percentage of people who reach levels of higher education, especially University degrees. Europe also follows this trend, but in a more accentuated way, and with a big difference in the amount of holders of second level qualifications (high school diploma).
Early school living represent another problematic aspect of integration for Italy, followed by the number of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion, a data, the latter, which seems quite generalised in all of the EU27. Even access to housing ownership recorded inequalities: the relationship between owners and non owners is much lower for foreigners in Italy (0.4% compared to 2.5% of the entire population). In Europe, the situation is similar, only 0.6 foreigners possess a home out of 100 who do not, whereas the whole population recorded 2.3 out of 100.
The migrants' perception of their own state of health can also indicate a particular condition. There are no major differences between Italy and the rest of Europe (on average): in general foreigners feel that they are in good health, due to a presence of relatively young migrants, the so-called 'healthy migrant', but perhaps also due to the capacity of the health system to take over and provide equally to all its citizens.

By following the indicators proposed by Eurostat in the pilot study described above, we have tried to assess integration in Italy in different regional contexts, to understand how the various territories are facing the question and if the fragmentation of the territory in terms of possibility, opportunity and wellbeing that we know exists for natives has an impact on the effective participation of migrants. Furthermore, in considering the level of living and working conditions achieved by immigrants, we assessed possible discrepancies with the non foreign population and especially if gaps have been filled over time, a fact which would indicate a positive evolution of the integration process.
The concept of integration is multifaceted and less obvious than it may seem: it is not only 'propensity to integration and to assimilation by non nationals; nor is it only a problem of social, economic and cultural openness of the hosting society, but it is an interactive relationship' (Note 8). Capturing this relationship, venturing into the game of cross-referencing between social and individual dimensions and the dimension of general policies is not the purpose of this work, but a track which has duly been taken into account.
Furthermore, as all complex phenomena, integration cannot be measured directly: we must trace dimensions and phenomena which are significantly related to it and which can be measured. Using the statistical information available, we have tried to bring together the many, and certainly the very diverse, aspects which cooperate in determining the various degrees of immigrants integration.
We first identified the macro-areas of focus, the dimensions in which integration takes shape; in doing this, we draw inspiration from a study by BakBasel (Note 9): the openness of the territory, i.e. the policies and attitudes regarding immigration, the attractiveness of the territory for immigrants, and social and employment integration, i.e. how immigrants can participate and contribute.
The openness of the territory towards immigration is naturally composed of many factors, the most important of which are related to the complex legislative framework which regulates stay residence and, on the other hand, to the 'social mood' regarding immigration. The first aspect is not covered in this analysis because legislation on immigration is the same in the whole Country and because there are no references for the assessment of any specific regional policies and actions.
The 'social mood', which undoubtedly varies across the territory, is how citizens perceive the phenomenon of immigration, if they are concerned about it, if they consider it a problem, a threat or, on the contrary, a resource or opportunity. It is a very important dimension because the concern is not always justified: it is a perception, a judgment that is certainly influenced by the way and emphasis with which the media portray some news. It is an emotive reaction, and in the concern and mistrust towards the immigrant can often flow fears and apprehensions because of other social problems.
The general perception of the migratory phenomenon can find mitigations or outbreaks at a local level, in individual neighbourhoods. The proximity between migrant households and Italian households can lead to mutual understanding and the willingness to share, or can exacerbate the tensions based on objective prejudices or difficulties. For this, the concern for the phenomenon with reference to the Country may be different compared to the perception that one may have if they only consider their own experience. We wanted to take both aspects into account.
The attractiveness of a territory is the ability to attract and retain citizens from other Countries: the presence of foreigners is deduced from the incidence of foreign citizens out of the regional population, and from the number of foreign children and second generations (children of foreign citizens). The presence of children and second generation family members, in fact, gives a more refined measure of the desire for stabilisation in a territory.
Moreover, the foreign population is characterised by high mobility. This is the topic of migration within migration: foreigners are migrants who leave their land of origin and who, once they arrive in our territory, not only settle here, but continue their journey in search of better conditions, especially better living and working conditions. Because of this, the extent of the flows which move from region to region should also be highlighted.
The social and occupational macro-area is the most complex one, and in turn is divided into four topics: employment, education, housing and social integration. The dimensions of unemployment, employment and quality of employment are also considered with reference to female components in order to capture possible differences between genders in individual sectors, such as in that of migrant labour which is strongly segmented by gender. The quality of employment is an important dimension to be clarified, as the equal presence of foreigners and natives in the labour market, any non correspondence between qualification and position, precariousness and wage levels.
The educational dimension reflects the situation of citizenship services that the institutions are responsible for offering, and is one of the most important dimensions for the achievement of cultural integration, not only because it mainly involves minors, i.e. the future adult citizens of the Country, in a dimension of participation, but also because it involves their parents and the families in a relationship of 'proximity' or 'neighbourhood'. Particularly significant, due to its correlation with willingness to seek prospective and improved future opportunities, is the choice to attend school, to continue studying as much as possible, and the possibility to undertake the training best adapted to one's individual capabilities and aspirations.
Having access to adequate housing also constitutes a basic element for each project of social inclusion. Home and work are closely intertwined: having a job and a wage allows access to accommodation, to enter into a regular rental contract (and perhaps to buy a house), even if at times access to the property market is hampered by the high prices requested. For example, to rent a house in the suburbs of an average district, a foreigner in Italy spends around 37% of their earnings; this is 14.5 percent more compared to the total population.
Furthermore, from a housing point of view, foreigners face greater insecurity. The majority live in rented accommodation, sometimes with problems of overcrowding and poor quality housing.
The housing issue for immigrants is yet more difficult, given that, according to current legislation, to remain in Italy foreigners must demonstrate that they have suitable housing accommodation and are on a regular work contract. Therefore, foreigners risk expulsion due to the fact that it is difficult and sometimes impossible to find housing.
The different areas of social integration are characterised by multi-dimensionality; it is therefore necessary to understand as many aspects of social life as possible. Included in this macro-dimension are willingness, ability and possibility of settling and taking root in a place, also from a legal point of view, which involves rights and duties of citizenship. In addition to the data about naturalisation, the presence of households headed by a foreigner is a significant indicator of the commitment to construct a stable presence in the territory, 'since the head of the family has the juridical and (at least in part) economical capacity to constitute (or re-constitute through reunion) the household, therefore being a family head means, in all cases, possessing the capacity of family initiative' (Note 10).
The good quality of the settling down of immigrants leads to a decreasing number of families facing difficulties and the risk of social exclusion. One important indicator of the lack of social insertion is the level of deviance, which here is measured approximately but with the necessary care with reference to complaints filed against foreigners. We preferred to use the variation of the complaints against foreigners in a given period compared to the variation of foreign citizens resident in the same period (Note 11): in the hypothesis of a direct relationship between immigration and crime, the variation of complaints, and therefore punishable acts, would be proportional to the variations of presence. It is clear this measurement suffers from various limitations, as for example the different inclination to file complaints in various territories, the component of discrimination revealed by the complainant against foreigners, and the existence of crimes specifically linked to the conditions of illegal immigrants.
The dimensions previously described gave rise to a series of statistical indicators which were quantified per region and distinguished with reference to Italian and foreign citizens. However, this information alone is not enough to depict the dimension of the possibility that foreign citizens have to achieve the same life conditions of natives; for assessing integration, understanding the extent in which the foreign citizens work and establish themselves in a given territory is as important as knowing whether and which of their situations are similar to those of Italians. In line with the method adopted by Cnel (Note 12) and Eurostat (Note 13), therefore, where possible 'differential' indicators were introduced, i.e. indicators calculated as the difference between the value of the indicator referred only to Italians and the indicator referred to foreigners only.
A series of indicators were then designed that would take into account the trend over time of some of the phenomena analysed in order to understand the evolution of the integration process over the last decade. The territories, in fact, are to be distinguished from each other not only based on the specific situation in which a given phenomenon occurs, but also based on their recent history, evolution or involution, which undoubtedly influences and characterises the present. For example, comparing two territories recording very low and similar unemployment levels for immigrants, we could discover that in one of the territories concerned the unemployment rate has been stable over the years, whereas in the other territory it has decreased and is approaching the data relative to Italians. In such a case, it could therefore be said that the second territory is making a step towards integration which the first still has to accomplish, thus this 'active' dimension is taken into account in the analysis.
This is the reason why, where possible, in order to understand the differential gain and loss between immigrants and non immigrants, historicised indexes have been constructed ad hoc for some significant indicators, such as the total unemployment rate and the female unemployment rate, the percentage of overqualified employed and permanently employed staff, the rate of students enrolled in secondary schools and those enrolled in vocational schools. Because of how they are constructed, these historicised indexes, hereinafter referred to as 'integration' trends, can assume negative or positive values: the positive values are intended as a reflection of an improvement of the integration process, as they close the gap between the conditions of Italians and the conditions of foreigners, conversely a negative value indicates a deterioration.
Based on a large number of indicators (59) a 'clustering' analysis was conducted on the Italian regions, clustered in groups considered on average homogenous based on the level of integration of foreign citizens. The following clusters were identified:

1. Veneto, Lombardy, Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany, Umbria, Marche
2. Piedmont, Aosta Valley, Trentino Alto Adige, Friuli Venezia-Giulia, Liguria
3. Lazio
4. Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria, Sicily, Sardinia

(Figure 7.2.1)
It should be highlighted that, as shall be seen below, the multidimensionality of the phenomenon has not revealed a possible ranking of such clusters based on their degree of integration, and the method used does not have this as its principal aim; nevertheless the analysis has highlighted a certain internal homogeneity between the regions, based on some key features. The order in which the clusters are listed and described below, therefore, is only to facilitate discussion, and should not be intended as a classification or ranking.
What are the key features of each cluster of regions? (Figure 7.2.2), (Figure 7.2.3), (Figure 7.2.4), (Figure 7.2.5), (Figure 7.2.6)

Cluster 1 - Veneto, Lombardy, Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany, Umbria, Marche

These are the regions characterised by a strong presence of migrants: the incidence of foreign residents in 2010 was the highest among all the clusters analysed, with high rates of growth in both the preceding five year periods. The incidence of foreign minors and second generations is the highest here.
For several years this cluster of regions has been a destination for foreigners who had already settled in here other regions of Italy, in particular during the period in the late '90s and '00s. The attractive ability of this cluster of regions has waned over time, especially in the last two years, perhaps due to the economic difficulties that have occurred and affected these areas.
In terms of openness to immigration and 'social mood', this cluster showed marked levels of concern for the phenomenon, level in part related to the high presence of foreigners. Nevertheless, an interesting dynamic is observed. In this cluster of regions, the level of the resident's apprehension caused by the flow of migrants about future of the Country and of individual towns is the highest, but such a concern largely diminishes over time (as shown by the negative values of the variations of these indicators reported in the graph in Figure 7.5). In particular, the local level remains a catalyst for concern, but after the peak of the years 2000-2005, in subsequent years it decreased.
With regards to the labour market, this cluster of regions is characterised by good employment levels, even for foreigners; however, a significant deviation between Italians and migrants remains. In 2010, the average unemployment level of foreigners in this cluster was 11.6%, i.e. 6.4 percentage points above that of Italians. Regarding foreign female employment, the data is also negative, both in terms of unemployment and deviation with respect to the data for Italian women, with a difference of 8.2 percent in 2010. However, looking at the trends, a recovery of the gap in the last five years was observed, i.e. an improvement of integration, especially for women. However, this was not so for example in the regions of cluster 2 (Piedmont, the Aosta Valley, Trentino Alto Adige, Friuli Venezia-Giulia, Liguria), where despite the similarity in the levels of unemployment, the gap between foreigners and Italians heightened over time.
On average, 83% of foreign workers have a permanent contract; this is a good share if compared with other clusters. In this respect, the situation is not very dissimilar to that of Italian workers, or at least the gap is kept more contained than that observed in other clusters.
However, the cluster in question records the lower gap between foreigners and Italians in terms of wage levels: on average foreigners earn 180 euros less, when in other regions of the North they earn 200 euros less and in the South 350 euros less.
In reference to this positive data, the percentage of foreign workers who are overqualified for their job is high; 43% on average, i.e. a value double that of the Italians. This situation does not seem to have improved over the last 5 years. The fact that foreigners are employed in jobs below their qualification is true for all Italian regions and, in general, this trend is not improving, even if it is less accentuated in the cluster of regions under examination.
With regards to access to housing, the situation of foreigners appears to be more equal compared to the other thematic areas analysed: The average index of property market accessibility indicates a high degree of accessibility and, above all, the share of those who own the house where they live is greater. However, of the level overcrowding remains strongly different between Italian and foreign families: the data about foreigners is in line with that of the other clusters of regions, whereas the percentage of Italian households in situations of overcrowding is among the lowest.
Among foreign teenagers, the share of those enrolled at high school is growing, and the gap with Italian teenagers is very much reduced, but a definite gap still remains in the participation to high schools which is greater than that seen in the Northern regions of cluster 2, but less than that in the Centre and South. Here more than in other regions the foreigners choose vocational schools, a trend that remains stable over time, whereas young Italians which over the years are increasingly directed at technical institutes or liceo high schools.
Finally, with regard to the good levels of social insertion, signalled by a significant presence of households headed by a foreigner and by a remarkable share of acquisition of citizenship through residence on the rise in the last few years, there are still some problems. The gap between Italian and foreign families remains medium-high with regard to the risk of social exclusion; the improvement in that particular aspect of deviation which is measured by the decrease of complaints against foreigners between 2007 and 2009 is here most contained. This could suggest that migrants in difficulty face social exclusion through illicit means, but also that in these areas propensity to file complaints is higher than elsewhere. It should also be noted that in highly attractive areas, such as those in question, the migratory path is segmented between immigration chains already in place (immigrants who join their families or acquaintances), and new arrivals, i.e. immigrants that often arrive in Italy alone and cannot therefore enjoy support networks of relatives and fellow Countrymen who have already entered the Country. However, the aforementioned complexity of the indicator does not allow to draw clear conclusions, as the data obtained can be under the influence of other interrelated phenomena, such as for example a supervening selection of complaints based on ethnicity in addition to crimes committed by illegal immigrants.

Cluster 2 - Piedmont, the Aosta Valley, Trentino Alto Adige, Friuli Venezia-Giulia, Liguria

The regions included in this cluster are also characterised by a consistent presence of foreigners (incidence is on average around 8%), in constant growth over the last decade, of foreign minors and second generations. Over the years these regions have maintained, to a greater extent than the others, the ability to attract migrants even from other areas of Italy and even from regions not belonging to this cluster.
As for the previous cluster, in general, concern for the phenomenon of immigration is especially high but has decreased over time; here however, apprehension on a local level is more moderate and recorded a more marked decrease over the last five years.
These regions enjoy good employment and rates and wage levels even for foreigners, nevertheless the gap with Italians is felt more than elsewhere in many aspects of employment, and it seems to be destined to worsen. In particular, the gap between the (overall and women's) unemployment rate of Italians and that of foreigners is 9 percentage points, which is the highest values observed in the various clusters.
More than elsewhere, the majority of foreign families, (up to 70%) rent accommodation; in this aspect, the gap with the Italians is the highest among the clusters considered. Even if access to the property market is quite favourable for foreigners, they however do not always manage to buy a house whose quality and size are suitable for the needs of their families (on average, 46% of families live in conditions of overcrowding).
Regarding school, participation of foreigners in high schools is good and increasing; inequality compared to Italians is lower, even regarding the choice of the type of school, despite the preference for vocational schools by foreign teenagers increasing in recent years.
This cluster stands out above all for the higher rate of naturalisation achieved in 2010 and for recording the highest level in the increase of this rate over the last five years, but it also stands out for the lowest percentage of foreigners at risk of social exclusion, data that, in spite of a work situation which is not always easy, perhaps indicates the existence of supplementary form of assistance and support.

Cluster 3 - Lazio

This cluster is composed of a single region that due to its particular characteristics cannot be part of the other clusters. Let's see why.
In terms of openness to immigration, Lazio stands out due to the concern expressed by citizens for immigration in their place of residence and not as a main problem of the whole Country; this perception, among other factors, has worsened over the last 5 years. This is perhaps linked to the trend of the presence of foreigners in this region, which over the last 5 years has recorded the highest growth compared to the other clusters, with a variation in incidence equal to 3.5 points. This cluster is chosen as a destination not only by those who come directly from abroad, but also by foreigners already living in Italy, who move here from other clusters. This ability to attract has increased in the last few years, contrary to what happened in the Central-Northern regions.
Despite the high presence of foreigners (9.5% of the resident population), in Lazio the number of minor immigrants is lower compared to the clusters described above (18.4% compared to 22.6% and 21.8%). This is also attributable to the particular type of migration which affects this region: a high number of foreigners migrate to Rome for religious reasons, and a high number of foreign women work here in service to families and often live in the same house as their employer, therefore making it more difficult to be reunited with their children.
Higher equality is found between the levels of employment for foreigners and Italians, even if there are some signs of difficulty for women. Despite 9 foreigners out of 10 enjoying a permanent contract, more often than foreigners are overqualified or over skilled for their job: the percentage of overqualified foreigners is 56%, which is the highest value of all the clusters and 34 percent more compared to the percentage of overqualified Italians. Such a gap has increased over time, affecting the wage gap, which stands at around 300 euros less for foreigners, i.e. almost 100 euros more than in the North.
Access to the property market is definitely difficult for foreigners: Lazio has the most negative accessibility index among all Italian regions. A foreigner here will spend 59% of what he/she earns to rent accommodation, i.e. 30 percent more compared to the total population. This is reflected in the quality of accommodation, which in 42% of cases is not suitable to the size of the family. However, in terms of overcrowding, even Italians here live in greater discomfort than in the rest of Italy.
Despite the housing difficulties, the percentage of foreigners who live in families at risk of poverty or social exclusion stands at 33%, among the lowest values observed, with a more contained difference compared to Italians, who here in fact seem to experience situations of greater discomfort than in the Centre and North (22% are at risk of social exclusion compared to 12-13%).
This situation, quite favourable for migrants, is confirmed by the indicator of family formation being positive; such an indicator indicates the economic capability to form and maintain a family and to settle and take root in the territory. 9% of households have a foreigner as their head, the highest value among the clusters analysed. With just 31 naturalisations out of 1000 residents, the rate remains very low.
Regarding new generations, enrolment to high school for foreign young people is normal compared to other clusters (69%), whereas that of Italian young people is higher (90%). Furthermore, the choice of education paths by foreigners is less orientated towards vocational schools compared to the clusters described above.

Group 4 - Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria, Sicily, Sardinia

In this group, which is rather large, all the regions of the South are brought together (Note 14), the phenomenon of immigration takes on very different characteristics to what has been seen up until now in the rest of Italy.
This is not a very attractive area for migrants, as is also evident by the low number of foreigners, of foreign minors and of second generations, and is still a land of passage, given that on average these regions lose migrants in favour of the other regions.
This feature is perhaps the basis of the limited concern for migration which is recorded both in regards to the whole Country and the individual places of residence of Italians; such concern here is lower than in all the other clusters.
Employment remains quite problematic for everyone: both Italians and foreigners experience less employment stability and low wage levels. In particular, foreigners earn a lot less than elsewhere and the difference with Italians is 370 euros on average, i.e. the highest observed. There are also people with lower qualifications in this group who are not necessarily overqualified for their job: those performing jobs under their educational skill level are 35%, whereas in Lazio they are 56% and in the North about 40%. Foreigners employment rate goes slightly against the trend, both in terms of overall and female employment, being lower than that of Italians.
The aforesaid difficulties impact on exposure to the risk of social exclusion: a high percentages of families, both Italian and foreigners, are at risk compared to other clusters, with a gap which is also the highest, to the detriment of migrants. All this partly explains the weak tendency of foreigners towards stabilisation, also indicated by the low rates of naturalisation and the scarce presence of households headed by a foreigner in this cluster.
A positive indication comes from the significant decrease in the complaints filed against foreigners; as observed above, however, no clear conclusions can be drawn from this data, since the different attitude to filing complaints in the different regions should also be taken into account, as well as the different levels of coexistence with crime.
Due to the lack of employment opportunities, the participation of young Italians in secondary school is very high, in general over 90%; this situation increases the gap with young foreigners. However, even foreigners are reconsidering the importance of education and today on average 6 young people out of 10 attend a secondary school, turning more and more towards technical rather than vocational training.
With regards to housing, there are not large differences compared to the first two clusters in terms of access to the property market and in housing conditions. Foreigners still experience more discomfort than Italians.
The presence of foreigners in the territory is quite diversified, with a North-South gradient, both for intensity and for characteristic, especially considering the different employment opportunities: more transient in the South and more rooted in the North. Therefore, the levels of integration achieved are also different.
In the South, despite the slight improvements in the integration process, foreigners continue to suffer greater precariousness in labour conditions, characterised by low wage levels and insertion difficulties. These are the main reasons for the temporariness of foreigner presence. The same labour and living difficulties are however, also experience by Italians, hence the smaller gap.
Moving towards the North, employment opportunities for foreigners increase and there are even more cases of stable employment. However, foreign workers are more risk of downgrading and unemployment than Italian workers. The main difference between the regions of clusters 1 and 2 is not so much the level of employment and the quality of employment, but rather the stage of the integration progress. If the regions of cluster 1, to which Veneto belongs, have filled the employment gap between Italians and foreigners over the last five years for the various aspects considered, the regions of cluster 2 have not. Over the last year, the economic downturn, which has especially afflicted the industrial sector, has significantly affected these regions. However, while in cluster 1 foreign employment recorded substantial stability, due above all to para-subordinate work, job-on-call and domestic work schemes in the regions of cluster 2 the occupational decline was stronger and more generalised, and the gap between employed Italians and foreigners was greater and growing.
Since the regions of cluster 1 are chosen as destinations by immigrants mainly due to reasons connected to work, they are the area where the immigrants settle and take root the most and where propensity to permanent settlement is very high: the incidence of foreigners is higher, as is the number of households headed by a foreigner, foreign minors and second generations. In cluster 1, the foreign component is distinguished by a younger average age.
Between the two clusters, no great differences are observed in the housing conditions, nor in the possibility to find accommodation at a sustainable cost, but the regions in cluster 2 show a lower risk of social exclusion of foreigners and have the greatest rate of naturalisation.
For the new generations, the trend of scholastic integration is positive, and again is more evident in cluster 1, where foreign and Italian young people are aligning their rate of high school attendance more quickly. However, in these regions a gap remains which is higher than elsewhere with regards to the choice of type of education, more orientated towards vocational training. This corresponds to the vocation of the territory, but may also reveal itself to be a limit for the future growth of employment.
In Lazio, the weight of the foreign component compared to the resident population, although higher than the national data (9.5% instead of 7.5%), remains lower than in the regions of cluster 1. However, in the last few years, the growth rhythm of immigration was higher than the national average, firstly due to the attraction power of Rome, with its opportunities and uniqueness in the field of education, the ecclesial church life and the types of employment it offers. As shown by the Caritas/Migrantes report of 2011, Rome's ability to attract is even strengthening over time due to the growing relationships and greater connections between the capital and the smaller provinces, where the cost of living is more sustainable, especially accommodation.

Based on the results of the municipal registers, at the end of 2010 in Veneto there were 504,677 foreign residents representing 10.2% of the population, a significant figure compared to the entire national territory (7.5%); according to Istat predictions, in 2030 the foreigners will be almost one million in the region, i.e. over 18% of the total population. Adding to them the foreigners who, although regularly present, are not yet enrolled on local registers for various reasons, the number could climb to 549,000, as reported by an estimate by the Caritas/Migrantes Dossier.
Recently the first provisory estimates were released of the Census of population and housing conducted by Istat (Note 15), according to which as of 9th October 2011 the presence of foreigners in Veneto was 446,353 units (9.2% of the population), ranking the region second place in Italy for the number of foreign residents, with 11.8% of overall immigrants in the Country. Based on the Census results, by looking at the rankings of Italian municipalities for incidence of foreigners out of the total population, in the top places were some areas of Veneto: among the first 10 municipalities of large size, with over 100,000 inhabitants, are Vicenza (14.5%) and Padua (11.7%), whereas among the top 10 medium size municipalities (20,000-100,000 inhabitants) we find San Bonifacio, in the province of Verona (17.8%), Arzignano (19.4%) and Montecchio Maggiore (16.4%), both in the province of Vicenza. On the other hand, considering the predominantly economic nature of the incoming migration flow, the immigrants are concentrated in those areas that are able to offer them greater employment opportunities, namely in the areas having a predominant industrial vocation such as Verona, Treviso and Vicenza, which overall host over 60% of the immigrants present in the region. The concentration in the areas of Belluno and Rovigo is modest, where only 6.4% of foreigners present in Veneto reside.
Although in growth, immigration in the last two years has seen a substantial slowdown, partly due to the effects of the economic recession, which limits the employment opportunities in the territory, partly because of the gradual stabilisation of the flow from Romania, which exploded during the regularisation and opening of the EU in 2007. In the period 2009-2010 the average annual increase of the presence of foreigners was, in fact, 5.4%, which is an interesting value but is quite low compared to just a few years ago, when growth was between 10% and 20%.
In the last two years, Veneto showed the first signs of the decrease in its ability to attract foreigners already residing in other Italian municipalities and willing to move to seek better employment opportunities (the average rate of internal migration receptivity was -0.5% (Note 16)); this is perhaps an indication of a certain saturation of the territory or of the decreased certainty of the possibility of stable insertion compared to the past. This trend especially involves the provinces of Treviso (-4.6%) and Vicenza (-1.8%), and to a smaller extent Verona (-0.8%), but not, for example, Padua (2.3%).
Over time a remarkable diversification of the origins of immigrants was recorded, also as a consequence of the social policies of the Countries of origin. The majority of immigrants come from Countries with lower levels of development, in particular from Eastern Europe, from African Countries bordering the Mediterranean, and from Western Africa, South America, the Middle East and the Caucasus, and from Asian Countries such as China, India and Sri Lanka. Today, in Veneto there are representatives of all five continents for a total of 169 various nationalities, but the top 5, i.e. Romania, Morocco, Albania, Moldavia and China, together make up over half of the resident immigrants. The largest community is still the Romanian community which, with over 100 thousand present in 2010, represent alone more than a fifth of all foreigners in Veneto. Although still constantly increasing, however, over the last few years a stabilisation occurred in the number of Romanians, following the rapid growth determined by the enlargement of the European Union in 2007, when the Romanian presence increased by almost 60% in a single year. (Figure 7.3.1)
The table below reports the clustering analysis indicators for Veneto and Italy, in order to highlight some characteristics of Veneto. More detailed information about Veneto can be found above in the paragraphs about the cluster to which it belongs (cluster 1) as identified by the clustering analysis. (Table 7.3.1)
In addition to a high incidence of migrants, Veneto is also characterised by a high level of foreign minors, second only to Lombardy. Almost a quarter of foreigners are youths (24%), compared to 21.7% in Italy, and 15% are those who, although foreign, were born in Italy (national data 13.4%).
As already noted, such a high percentage of minors is a sign of high settlement in the territory: the largest investment that an immigrant can make in a territory is that of giving birth and raising children in it, in the belief of being able to provide them adequate quality of life and the hope of future prospects.
The second generation are the main protagonists of the integration progress: young people who were born and/or raised in Italy, with new and diverse lifestyles compared to the first generation, spending time with their Italian peers, with whom they share a way of life, experiences and ideals; they feel like full citizens and have better expectations for their future, more than what their parents had hoped for themselves. The second generation of immigrants is the fulcrum of the major challenge: that for the adhesion of foreigners to the Italian social system, whose social levers are the school, labour and the opportunities to cultivate interpersonal relationships. This depends on the environment that second generation immigrants will find and on the integration policies that will be implemented, and on the aim of such policies really being that of creating a bridge between cultures.
To this end, school plays a fundamental role. School is where the construction of the human capital of each individual takes place, and this is even more true for the young children of immigrants, who in the relationship with their peers and in the challenge of learning lay the groundwork for their future integration and for their success in the world of labour.
In Veneto, foreign students in various types of schools account for 12% of the scholastic population (84,747 children and young people in the school year 2010-2011), a share which for three years has remained higher than the national average (7.9% in the school year 2010-2011), also considering that the highest number of foreign minors is in the Veneto region. However, if practically all young foreigners attend school up to the lower secondary level, only 58.5% (school year 2008-2009) of them people are enrolled in a high level course of study, less than the national value (67.7%), although their percentage has increased over time, considering that four years ago it was 49%.
The data regarding regularity of schooling and at the ability to finish studies, which are important indicators of the integration process, since school failure is likely to increase the risk of downgrading employment, are encouraging. For example, with reference to the regularity of schooling, measured as congruence between the age of the child and the class attended, it appears that over the years the number of foreign young people with regular schooling is increasing even in high schools, especially among those who were born in Italy. For those born abroad, falling behind at school is often due to their entering the school at an early age into classes of a lower level due to deficiencies in the language, a situation which constitute a sort of price for immigration which the child continues to pay along their educational path. (Table 7.3.2)
Moreover, more than elsewhere, in Veneto the preference is for vocational (43.7% of foreign students) or technical (41%) types of education, assuming the intention of not undertaking university studies or, at least, not to put off too much the search for work, even if in this case work will probably be less qualified. If regional vocational training courses are taken into account, the percentage of foreigners that choose vocational training to acquire practical professional skills is even higher, confirming the obvious difficulty for foreign students to take part in the process of social mobility to elevate their situation.
It is also true that this greater preference for vocational education is characteristic of all the regions which are more economically advanced, offer greater employment opportunities, have a deeply-rooted culture encouraging insertion in the productive world as soon as possible. This is confirmed by the clear North-South gradient between the Italian regions which is observed both with reference to the participation of young people, in general and not only of the foreigners, to high school and the type of training undertook.
Beyond these trends, there remains however a definite inequality in schooling between Italians and foreigners, even in Veneto, which over time has only partly diminished.
An area still awaiting development is that of economic integration: nowadays, foreigners experience less favourable labour situations than Italians, and it is one of the reasons that foreigners are among the most affected by the recent economic crisis.
Job opportunities for Italians in Veneto are more favourable than in other regions: greater employment, higher percentages of stable permanent jobs and salary schemes more consistent to the worker's professional qualification and skills. This is not true, however, for foreigners, whose job situation is not better than the national average but rather consistent with it, both in terms of unemployment level and for some qualitative aspects of their occupational insertion. Hence the larger gap between Italian workers and foreign workers which is observed in Veneto, an inequality which, in certain areas, is decreasing over time. The critical aspect is the downgrading of foreign workers (44%, i.e. 26 percent more than that Italian workers), whereas the smaller difference in pay between Italian and foreigners (150 euros) is rather positive data, representing one of the lowest gaps at a regional level, second only to that of Marche (100 euros).
With regard to general living conditions, better social insertion is seen in Veneto: 32% of foreigners live in a family at risk of poverty or social exclusion, against 39% in Italy, also due to the greater possibility of accessing the property market and of rent an accommodation at sustainable prices. It is also true that the majority of foreigners rent their accommodation, since for renting a home of average size in the suburbs in Veneto, a foreigner spends around 35% of what they earn, about 12 percent more compared to an Italian. However, with regards to housing, the situation of foreigners seems more equal than in other regions: Veneto is in the range of maximum accessibility to the property market, with the third lowest differential value between Italians and foreigners, after Friuli Venezia Giulia (7.8) and Marche (11.1). It is a particularly significant aspect considering the positive correlation existing between access to housing and social integration.
Finally, a prerequisite for a sustainable integration of foreigners is the acquisition of citizenship, aimed at being entitled to the same rights as the local population. Acquisition of citizenship is a sign of cultural integration and of the settling down of immigrants in the territory, as well as being a very important symbolic value and playing an important role in defining the identity of an individual. The phenomenon is growing and in recent years in Veneto Italian citizenships was required and obtained in most cases through residence (naturalisation), contrary to the trend of previous years, when it was obtained mainly through marriage, especially by women. There are about 63 naturalisations out of every 10,000 foreigners, the highest value in Italy; this value has grown by 32 points compared to 2005. The naturalisation rate is higher than the Italian average not only in Veneto, but in general in all Northern regions, i.e. where immigration arrived first, stabilising and structuring over time. Taking into account the requirement of ten years of regular residence and the absence of criminal charges and proceedings for obtaining Italian citizenship, this trend can be rightly interpreted as a sign of the immigrants' integration.